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In their view anxiety disorder definition purchase hydroxyzine 10 mg overnight delivery, technological developments and the economic requirements of total war necessitated a comprehensive study of national security requirements by a specially appointed presidential board anxiety workbook for teens buy hydroxyzine 25 mg online. Patterson had 318 misgivings about some of these initiatives anxiety episodes buy 25 mg hydroxyzine with visa, he was alarmed by the pace of demobilization and its prospective impact on occupation goals in Germany anxiety symptoms in adults discount hydroxyzine 10 mg fast delivery, Japan, and elsewhere. Accordingly, on 1 November 1945, Patterson sent Secretary of State Byrnes a list of questions, the answers to which might underscore the close linkages between military strength and policy objectives and thereby not only slow down the pace of demobilization but also provide a more coherent context for planning itseK6 the response of the White House and State Department to these initiatives are revealing. President Harry S Truman turned down the request for a special study of national security requirements. State Department officials clearly were uncomfortable with attempts to lay out and rank national interests. At about the same time, they also refused to delineate critical regions in Asia where the use of American military forces might be warranted. Noting that neither 200,000 nor 400,000 troops would suffice to achieve political goals in Europe, Byrnes remarked that the country must have sufficient military strength to manifest a determination to back up national policies everywhere. This was especially true during the late autumn of 1945 when State Department officials were defining objectives in a more and more expansive manner. They were already advocating policies to revive the economies of Western Europe, contain the revolutionary left in Italy and Greece, deter Soviet expansion in Turkey and northern Iran, establish a trusteeship in all of Korea, support a united, democratic, and pro-American government in China, and elicit Soviet acquiescence to some modest form of equal commercial opportunity and democratic government in eastern Europe. During the winter of 1945-46, military planners became alarmed by the absence of meaningful collaboration with State Department officials and by the emerging gap between foreign policy goals and military capabilities. At meetings of the Joint Planning Staff, Navy, Army, and Air Force planners emphasized and reiterated that objectives exceeded capabilities, that vital interests were not being distinguished from secondary and tertiary interests, and that State Department officials were not willing to delineate 3 19, where military force should be used to uphold national interests. To help clarify some of the imponderables, planners pleaded for an official political estimate of the Soviet Union upon which to base their initial war plans. Significantly, military advice was unequivocably to make no concessions; the growth of Soviet influence and/or power in Asia Minor or North Africa could not be permitted. So in the formative years of the cold war, planners found themselves in a terrible bind. During 194749, they continued to observe civilian officials assuming an ever widening set of objectives and commitments. Planners had serious reservations about Korea, but for the most part they defined American goals in a similar, all-encompassing fashion. Moreover, they realized that the pursuit of these objectives, including a revitalized Germany and Japan, might provoke Soviet countermeasures and lead to war. The emphasis on air power and atomic weaponry was the best they could do, given the fiscal constraints that Futrell correctly stresses. Although this military posture was largely disconnected with the pursuit of national security objectives throughout much of the globe, it did provide a deterrent to threatening Soviet behavior in absolutely critical areas, like central Europe. The White House and State Department generally shrugged off the rising discontent of the planners. Civilians, of course, were disgusted by the bitter rivalry between the Air Force and Navy. The pursuit of organizational self-interest among the services discredited the larger problems planners were raising, that is, their inability to design plans capable of achieving national objectives, fulfilling commitments, or assuring readiness at the onset of conflict. State Department officials, however, remained confident that the Soviet Union would avoid war. Had not the Russians pulled out of Iran, refrained from intervention in Greece, and avoided conflict over Berlin? And the men at Foggy Bottom also believed that elsewhere American objectives could be achieved through a mixture of economic, military, and technical assistance. In short, they thought war unlikely; they defined the nature of the threat in terms of socioeconomic chaos and revolutionary nationalist turmoil; and they conceived of solutions primarily in nonmilitary terms. But in June 1950 fiscal conservatives and budget balancers still were fighting to contain big military spending. Truman had not made up his own mind when the 38th parallel in Korea was c r ~ s s e d. The White House and the State Department continually had broadened American interests and had incrementally vested American prestige in Korea, yet had been unwilling to define what areas were worth fighting over. They had circumscribed military spending and had denied planners the means to defend peripheral areas which, they, the civilians, subsequently sought to defend militarily. Since many government documents for the post-Korean era still remain classified, historians must tread carefully.
Glucose uptake has been shown to increase during exercise in the quadriceps tendon (Kalliokoski et al anxiety symptoms jaw 25mg hydroxyzine otc. Exercise for the Knee Concentric Emphasis Initial training for hypermobile joints involves a concentric emphasis within the beginning and mid ranges of motion away from the injury anxiety 2 days after drinking discount 10mg hydroxyzine free shipping. Motion is performed in the same plane of tissue injury to provide modified tension in the line of stress for tissue repair anxiety jacket for dogs purchase hydroxyzine 10mg fast delivery. The end range anxiety 7 year old daughter order hydroxyzine 10mg visa, or pathological range, is avoided to prevent further tissue strain or injury. Concentric work away from the pathological range is performed to begin the process of gaining motor control of the muscles that provide stability. These same muscles are also eventually trained eccentrically Stage 1 Direction of Exercise Concepts Joint Mobility/ Grade Hypermobile Grades 4, 5 and 6 Direction of Exercise Concentric work away from the hypermobility beginning to mid range only. Hold Time None Histological Effect Neurological Effect · Optimal stimulus for repair · Vascular effect on edema · Sensitize spindles to stretch · Pain inhibition Hypomobile Grades 1 and 2 Slow speed with 10 second hold · Improve elasticity and plasticity deformity · Optimal stimulus for repair · Pain inhibition 81 page 2005). The increase in tendon glucose uptake is less pronounced and not correlated with that in muscle, as there is an unknown independent regulatory mechanism. Glucose uptake is more enhanced in the quadriceps tendon compared with the patella tendon in response to knee-extension exercise (Kalliokoski et al. The pathology specifies the tissue in lesion while histology dictates the intervention and approach for rehabilitation. For example, overuse tendinopathies are aggravated and become chronic conditions if additional exercise and activity further contribute to oxygen and energy depletion. Typically it leads to the hallmark histopathological signs of tendinosis including collagen degeneration with fiber separation, increased mucoid ground substance and an absence of inflammatory cells often found in the Achilles, patellar, rotator cuff and extensor carpi radialis brevis tendons (Khan et al. The lack of inflammatory markers in these injured tendons is an essential point that alters the rehabilitation approach, as these conditions are often misdiagnosed as inflammatory issues rather than degenerative collagen disorders. Studies performed on chronic painful tendons, classically defined as tendonitis, have provided contrary evidence to assumed inflammatory responses following tendon injury. The evidence available suggests degenerative changes in type I collagen are the result of increased levels of matrix turnover affecting tendons that are exposed to higher levels of strain. Changes in cellular activity lead to a tendon that is mechanically weaker and more susceptible to damage (Riley 2004). Appropriate training in these cases, involves pure concentric work to the surrounding muscles in the area, except the one in lesion (Holten 1996). This indirect approach provides needed oxygen to the region, without placing an increased metabolic demand on the injured muscle/tendon complex. The tissue in lesion is then trained directly via pure eccentric work to stimulate collagen repair with little oxygen consumption, as the energy demand is only a third of that required for concentric work (Knuttgen et al. Eccentric exercise has been shown to lead to less fatigue, as well as lower lactate and ammonia reaction than concentric exercise at comparable work levels (Horstmann et al. The eccentric work phase also provides the necessary tension for collagen hypertrophy, where the concentric phase is more associated with vascularization via increased capillary density (Hather et al. Application of eccentric training based on these histological concepts for patellar tendonitis is not new, as one of the first trials was performed by Cannell (1982). Several additional studies also assessed pure eccentric training for patellar tendonopathy (Jensen K, DiFabio 1989, Cannell et al. The uninvolved left knee performs the concentric knee extension from a flexed position (top picture). The involved right knee performs the eccentric unilateral squat back to the start position. If the body weight cannot be reduced enough for pain free eccentric lowering unilaterally, then the uninvolved knee can assist with the eccentric performance as well. The therapist raises the weight (a) and the patient fixes the joint position with a brief isometric contraction of the quadriceps. Progression may include lying back in a supine position placing the hip in neutral to increase muscle lengthening of the proximal quadriceps. Dosage for pure eccentrics is not as specific as concentric training for specific muscle performance qualities. Vines and Bahr (2007) attempted to summarize the previous clinical trials for patellar tendinopathy training, but could not recommend one specific protocol. They did recommend including a decline board for squats and allowing some level of discomfort with training.
Rickey anxiety symptoms grinding teeth purchase 10 mg hydroxyzine overnight delivery, "The Philosophical Basis of the AirLand Battle anxiety jokes hydroxyzine 25 mg free shipping," Military Review anxiety 4 hereford hydroxyzine 25 mg sale, May 1984 anxiety triggers order hydroxyzine 25mg without a prescription, pp 48-53. Army Combined Arms Center and the InterUniversity Seminar on Armed Forces and Society Symposium on Tactics and Military Posture, 30 March-I April 1978," Military Review, Jul 1978, pp 3 3 4 7. Swain, "On Bringing Back the Principles of War," ibid, Nov 1980, pp 4046; Wayne A. Army Operations Doctrine: A Challenge for the 1980s and Beyond," ibid, Jan 1981, pp 64-73; Clyde J. Starry, "Extending the Battlefield," ibid, Mar 1981, pp 31-50, and "The Principles of War," ibid, Sep 1981, pp 2-12; John C. Coroalles, "Maneuver to Win: A Realistic Alternative," ibid, Sep 1981, pp 35-46; C. Holder, "Maneuver in the Deep Battle," ibid, May 1982, pp 5 4 6 1; Huba Wass de Czege and L. Brown, "Deep Thrust on the Extended Battlefield," ibid, Oct 1982, pp 21-32; and Holland E. Magyuera, "Troubleshooting the New Division Organization," Military Affairs, Jul 1977, pp 53-60; Paul A. Richardson, Oct 1982, as quoted in Crossland and Currie, Twice the Citizen, p 211. Army After the Fall of Vietnam: A Contemporary Dilemma," Military Review, Feb 1976, pp 3-17; Andrew P. Meyer, "Toward a More Perfect Union in Civil Military Relations," Parameters, Jun 1979, pp 7683. Staudenmaier, "Military Strategy in Transition," Parameters, Dec 1978, pp 28-36; Richard L. On the Sidle Commission, See Richard Halloran, "A Pentagon Panel Favors Reporters at Combat Scenes," the New York Times, 24 Aug 1984, p 1. Leutze It is a great pleasure for me to be here and to have the opportunity to review the two papers you have heard as well as to offer some commentary of my own. What I have just said indicates the manner in which I propose to approach my task. That is, first I shall review both papers, then make my observations and comments on the period, and finally draw some lessons that might apply to the future. However, before turning to the individual papers, there is a comment I wish to make which applies to both. I was generally disappointed that neither author defined what he meant or interpreted to be meant by the term "limited conflict. Clearly the author has done extensive work in this subject area and is familiar with the secondary sources as well as primary materials including recently declassified record groups. As has become painfully obvious, our periodic ministrations are not enough to solve the long term, endemic problems of the region. I found his application of the term "benign neglect" to be particularly appropriate during the cold war period. On the other hand, it seemed to me that he did not adequately address the issue of how the war in Vietnam affected our reaction to developments in Latin America, particularly in the Caribbean and 385 Central America. The author does acknowledge that the Vietnam affair preoccupied American planners in the 1961-67 period but does not go on to assess how the failure in Vietnam influenced those same planners after 1968 when we made the decision to accept something less than victory in Southeast Asia. Although I would be quick to point out the many differences for a planner thinking of fighting a limited conflict in Latin America, there would have been many shocking analogies to fighting and losing such a conflict in Vietnam. The termination of the one war must have sent seismic reverberations through the offices of the plans Mafia and sounded like, if not the clap of doom, at least an alarm bell at Southern Command in Panama. Surely studies were done and possibly even some changes recommended in the curriculum at the U. Army School of the Americas to reflect how what had been learned in Vietnam could be applied to other areas. Perhaps no such information is available in the public domain, but it certainly would be relevant and most instructive when discussing strategic planning in the post-Vietnam period. In this regard, it seemed to me unfortunate that the author did not provide any detailed information about planning for any of the military or quasi-military actions during this 1945-76 period.
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Some held the Vietnam legacy was nonexistent after a decade; others were less sure and believed such a dramatic experience had to leave some mark anxiety medication list order hydroxyzine 10 mg on-line. While they never came close to adopting a stab-in-the-back thesis reminiscent of 1930 Germany anxiety vs heart attack buy generic hydroxyzine on line, they concluded that "wars of the future must be perceived as popular by the people anxiety symptoms help order hydroxyzine from india, winnable by the military anxiety symptoms eye pain cheap hydroxyzine generic, and allowed to be won by the politician. Army leaders, for example, were less enthusiastic about entering Lebanon in 1983 and in taking part in the Grenada operation than their civilian counterparts. This attitude seems healthy within the context of Clausewitzian thinking, but its potential dangers are apparent. On the other hand, utilizing warfare as a tool of national policy is, as Clausewitz tells us, the gravest of all decisions and restraint in making such choices cannot be unduly criticized. It remains for the reader and later historians to draw their own conclusions about the impact of the Vietnam War on U. Copies of the 1919 338 "General Mexican War Plan" in the National Archives of the United States reveal the general features of strategic planning in this period: U. The 1919 plan was superseded by the first of the so-called color plans: Green, which dealt with various contingencies in Mexico and built on the previous plan. Green was the most elaborate and detailed of all the color plans, and existing copies (of several thousand pages each) contain detailed instructions for subordinate units down to the smallest logistical detachments. They ranged from those dealing with specific contingencies (such as Tan for intervention in Cuba and White for Panama Canal defense) to more sweeping plans (such as Gray) for blockading and landing in the remaining Caribbean and Central American countries. War Department for the invasion of each South American country (except the land-locked nations of Bolivia and Paraguay). The chief characteristic of the color plans of the 1920s and 1930s was that they were unilateral U. The color plans contained no consideration of forming coalitions with the Latin American nations as allies. At most, there were some cases in which the plan called for the establishment of post-invasion constabulary forces under U. The color plans had a strong geographic focus on the Caribbean and were linked to a unilateral strategic concept which envisioned the Caribbean as a U. All this was to change with the coming of the Good Neighbor Policy and the abandonment of U. The color plans were quietly shelved (although highly classified contingency plans remained for special situations in Panama, Mexico, and Brazil), and in the late 1930s the strategic planning effort went into a series of global plans known as the Rainbow plans. Latin American strategic planning into the global World War I1 allied effort and steered away from any implication of unilateral U. Although they did not envision military operations 339 with Latin American nations, they did focus on the need for U. Unlike the color plan approach, these bases and access rights were to be obtained through cooperative efforts within the framework of Pan American solidarity in the war. The relationship between the quarter sphere and the hemisphere defense approaches of the various Rainbow plans was an important one. Hemisphere defense was primarily a political and diplomatic concept stressing the unity of all the nations of the hemisphere in the face of an outside threat. It was the strategic facet of the Good Neighbor Policy, and had long historical roots going back to the original Monroe Doctrine and the ideas of the Latin American Liberator Simon Bolivar. State Department as the strategic concept which would best ensure Latin American cooperation in economic, political, and diplomatic spheres. Further, the military departments tended to favor bilateral arrangements with selected allies (principally Brazil and Mexico) over multilateral military arrangements, which they saw as a waste of time and the source of possible security leaks to the Axis. The period began with encouraging signs that the attention devoted to hemisphere defense matters in World War I1 would be carried over into a permanent relationship through the institutionalization of a multilateral inter-American defense system. However, cold war crises in Western Europe and Korea soon distracted the United States from this goal, and Latin America was relegated to being a low-priority area with a distinctly secondary role. The world was strategically divided into a primary space where the superpowers contended for supremacy, and a secondary space (which included Latin America and most of the third world) whose principal role was to support the superpowers. The early postwar period (1945-1948) can be seen as a transition from the ad hoc arrangements made during the war to a permanent set of plans and institutions for security in the hemisphere. This transition involved a series of decisions which tended to bring out differences between the United States and Latin America as well as disagreements within U. A further issue was the relative priority of Latin America in the global postwar strategy of the United States, and the way in which this priority would influence economic and military assistance. From another perspective, this period was one in which planners sought a replacement for the wartime Rainbow plans for continental defense.
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